The probe into the Delhi Red Fort terror blast has now exposed a major “white-collar terror network” rooted in Al-Falah University, a private minority institution in Faridabad, Haryana. What began as a terror investigation has now revealed a web of financial irregularities, fraudulent accreditations, and questionable minority grants running into crores.
Following the arrest of several Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM)-linked doctors, many employed at Al-Falah Medical College, the university has come under the lens of multiple agencies, including the Enforcement Directorate (ED) and the Delhi Police Special Cell.
Among those arrested is Dr Mohammad Umar Nabi, the man accused of carrying out the November 10 Red Fort suicide bombing that killed 13 people. Others include Dr Muzammil Shakeel and Dr Shaheen Shahid, from whom explosives and weapons were seized.
The ED has since arrested university founder and chairman Jawad Ahmed Siddiqui for alleged money laundering and misappropriation of over ₹415 crore through fake contracts and shell firms. Two FIRs have also been filed for cheating and forgery, and NAAC has issued a show-cause notice over the institution’s misleading claims of accreditation.
Crores in Minority Grants Without UGC Eligibility
According to an Economic Times report, Al-Falah University, despite not being eligible under UGC Section 12(B) for central grants, received crores in scholarships from the Ministry of Minority Affairs (MoMA) and other schemes.
In 2015–2016, over ₹16 crore worth of scholarships were distributed to students at Al-Falah under minority schemes. The AICTE also allotted ₹1.1 crore for students from Jammu & Kashmir and laboratory funds under the MODROB modernisation scheme, despite the university lacking mandatory grant status.
The revelation has raised serious questions about how a non-funded private institution managed to repeatedly secure central minority benefits, with minimal oversight.
A Pattern of Favourable Rulings and Political Leverage
Records show that Al-Falah University has long invoked its minority status to bypass state regulations. When the Haryana Government ordered a 40 percent reservation for non-minority students in 2007, the institution approached the National Commission for Minority Educational Institutions (NCMEI), which ruled in its favour.
The NCMEI has repeatedly sided with Al-Falah in disputes over seat allocations, NOCs, and infrastructure deficiencies, even when state officials cited safety and quality issues. This pattern of favourable rulings has strengthened the perception that minority status is being exploited as a legal shield to evade accountability.
Misuse of Minority Status and the Broader Risk
The current probe exposes a grave vulnerability: how easily minority educational institutions can operate outside normal regulatory scrutiny. The fact that a university linked to an active terror network could also receive public funds through minority welfare schemes points to deep systemic loopholes.
While minority rights under Article 30(1) protect cultural and educational autonomy, they were never meant to provide a free pass for evasion of transparency or misuse of funds. When institutions claiming minority protection become breeding grounds for extremist ideologies or financial corruption, the integrity of the system itself stands compromised.
The situation calls for urgent reform: a comprehensive audit of all minority-funded educational bodies, scrutiny of their funding sources, and a review of their actual community impact.
Oversight Is Not Discrimination
The Al-Falah case demonstrates how unchecked minority grants and weak institutional oversight can lead to national security threats. It is not a question of faith but of fairness—Hindu, Sikh, or Muslim institutions alike must be equally accountable.
Public money cannot fund opacity or ideology.
Oversight is not discrimination; it is defence.
India cannot afford another Al-Falah.
 status; ED probes ₹415 cr scam.....){kind=link}